DRNC Scenario Case Study
Leadership in Criminal Justice
DRNC Leadership Practicum
This Leadership Practicum centers around the Democratic-Republican National Convention theme. This practicum is
worth 10% of the final grade, and involves a case study analysis that is to be submitted at the end of Module 6.
There are no prescribed minimum or maximum word limits for the Leadership Practicum; however, it is suggested that
the essay ranges from 750 to 1,500 words. The Leadership Practicum essay is due in the Assignment Dropbox no later
than 11:59 p.m. on Sunday night of Module 6.
The following story is a fictional account of planning and preparation leading up to the mythical
Democratic-Republican National Convention (DRNC) event in Miami, Florida. The story is loosely based on an
amalgamation of real life occurrences in the lead up to the Free Trade Area of the Americas conference in Miami,
Florida in 2003. The names of all the characters in the story are fictional.
As you read the story, keep in mind what contemporary criminal justice issues are likely to arise. At the end of
the story, you will be asked to respond to several questions related to this scenario.
Miami-Dade Police has been designated as the lead local agency and lead operational planner for the event
security. This policy differs significantly from the 2003 FTAA in which the City of Miami was designated as the
lead local agency. Director Melanie Duncan is the head of the Miami-Dade Police Department. In turn, Director
Duncan has designated Major Louis Warren as the Incident Commander and lead planner for the Department??s DRNC
Since this event meets the criteria of a National Special Security Event (NSSE), the U.S. Secret Service has been
designated as the lead coordinating agency with overarching statutory authority for the planning and execution of
the event. Supervisory Special Agent Samantha Salerno has been appointed as the lead agent in-charge for the
Case Study ?V Innovation and Stagnation at the Miami-Dade Police Department
The police departments of the City of Miami and of Miami-Dade County have had their share of experience with civil
disturbances over the last 40 years. There were the race riots in 1968 (Liberty City Riot), 1980 (McDuffie Riot),
1982 (Luis Alvarez Riots), and 1989 (Lozano Riots) in the Liberty City and Overtown areas. Then there was the
Elian Gonzalez civil disturbance in April 2000.
In each of these incidents, segments of local minority communities (either African-American or Cuban) rioted as
the result of some perceived injustice against their ethnic groups. The riots resulted from either police shooting
young black men, or from the federal government deporting a young Cuban boy back to his home in Cuba.
One incident of civil unrest ?V the 1980 ??McDuffie Riots?? was particularly destructive. Three days of
rioting in Liberty City, Overtown, Brownsville, and Coconut Grove, resulted in 18 deaths and over 180
serious injuries. The damage caused by the rioting was estimated at $100 million and was thought to
have caused the permanent loss of over 3,000 jobs in the black communities of Miami. Morale among
the rank and file of both major police departments in the County were at an all-time low.
The McDuffie incident is also significant, in that it led to the innovation of the modern Mobile Field
Force (MFF) model for police response to civil unrest. The ??Miami-Dade?? model, as it is commonly
referred to, was actually a co-invention by officers from the City of Miami Police Department (MPD) and
the Dade County Public Safety Department (now called the Miami-Dade Police Department ?V MDPD).
In effect, both police departments had sustained considerable injury and damage, both physically and to
their reputations as a result of these civil disturbances. Much of the damage resulted from lack of
aggressive response from the officers who had been shell-shocked from the community??s reaction to the
killing of Arthur McDuffie, and the resulting not-guilty verdict of the involved officers.
Ironically, it was during the difficult times of the post-McDuffie period that many innovations, such as
the Mobile Field Force concept were born. It did not take long before the MFF concept was put to a test
with the 1982 ??Luis Alvarez/Overtown?? riots and again in 1989 with the ??Lozano?? riots. In both cases,
the field forces worked marvelously, as both civil disturbances were quickly quelled.
By the time that the Mobile Field Forces were used to quell the Elian Gonzalez disturbances in 2000, the
MDP and MDPD had become renowned for their innovative crowd control practices. The subsequent
innovation of Special Event Response Teams (SERT) as an intermediary response to peaceful or
marginally disobedient crowds further added to the MDPD??s expert standing among national and global
In 2001, the MDPD hosted a week-long Disorder Management Symposium that was attended by
commanders and supervisors from departments throughout the United States, as well as a few from
other nations. The MFF concept (and later the SERT model) has been adopted by police departments
across the nation as the best way to deal with large and unruly crowds.
The Free Trade Area of the Americas Conference (FTAA)
The FTAA agreement between the United States and the majority of Latin American and Caribbean
nations had come about as the result of global economic meetings between the heads of state of those
countries during the Summit of the Americas Conference in Miami-Dade in 1984. Like the NAFTA
agreement before it, the FTAA has drawn a considerable amount of opposition from the antiglobalization
??fair trade?? crowd.
The violent protests against global economic structures and free trade agreements first came about in
1999, during the World Trade Organization (WTO) conference in Seattle, Washington. These riots
caught the authorities by surprise and signaled a shift in the paradigm of police civil disorder
management. After Seattle, there were several other violent protests by an informal anti-globalization
alliance of unionists, communists, and anarchists. These included riots in Montreal, Canada; Genoa, Italy; Cancun,
Mexico; and Washington D.C. Not only were the WTO conferences being targeted, but other worldwide economic forums
such as the G-8 Conference and the World Economic Forum (WEF) were also being singled out by the radical groups.
The secretariat of the FTAA decided to bring the conference to Miami, Florida in November of 2003. High-level
delegations from all the participating nations of the Western Hemisphere would be converging in Miami for the